BACKTRACKING
Knox County Early
History
Part II Changes on the
Horizon
by Terry Hogan
Military Tract
In many ways, Knox County, or what was to become Knox
County, was in the right spot and the right time. It was part of the Military Tract that was set up to provide
land grants to veterans of the War of 1812. And unlike the willy-nilly
descriptions of land that were established in the Northeast and the South, the
Military Tract was laid out into quarter section, section, township, and range
that would have several advantages.
This provided an assurance of a greater precision as to the size and
boundaries of land ownership.
Titles to land were issued based on these descriptions. The so-called
bounty lands were issued to the veterans 10 years before Knox County was
settled. Compared with the chaos of overlapping and conflicting land claims in
neighboring Kentucky, it was a great step forward. But even this had its problems.
Some of the federal land grants to veterans were never
exercised. Many of the veterans paid little attention to the land granted to
them. It must have seemed like
land on the other side of the world, having little personal value to them. Many
of the titles were, in time, sold for taxes. These tax titles were often bought
and sold several times by speculators.
Despite these repeated sales, the land laid empty and unused. Others
were sold quickly to eastern land speculators, site unseen, at greatly
undervalued prices. This laid the
groundwork for the conflict on land ownership that would arise from the early
settlers who moved ahead of the edge of civilization. They tended not to worry
about land ownership by paper.
They staked out land, cleared and cultivated, built a cabin and called
in theirs. When the title owners
appeared on site, either a veteran or a land speculator, conflicts of rights
were inevitable. Some of these disputes would rise all the way to the U.S.
Supreme Court. Even today, there are a number of these original land grant
titles bearing President Monroe's apparent signature.
At times, land speculators or innocent folk who had bought
titles from the land speculators arrived to claim their land and found it
occupied and having been occupied for years. These "squatters" who knew their neighbors and had
helped one another, did not warmly greet the strangers with a land title in
their hands. It wasn't uncommon for these new arrivals to learn that it was in
their best interest to sell the land to the "squatters" for what was
considered a fair price, as determined by the local community (composed mostly
of squatters).
At other times, the land conflicts were not the result of
conflicting squatters and legitimate land deeds. The confusion and uncertainty created opportunities for the
unscrupulous as well. These sometimes were called "land sharks"
(Chapman, 1878). Locally, according to history, the worst offender was a
Toliver Craig who made his living by forging land patents and deeds. He
practiced this deceit from about 1847 to 1854 in Knox and Fulton counties. Amazingly,
he recorded 40 forged deeds in Knoxville in one day (Chapman, 1878). He was arrested in New York in 1854 by
H. M Bogess of Monmouth and taken to Cincinnati for trial. Craig took arsenic
in an attempted suicide, but survived. He was later released on bail, where the
story ends. One can speculate that he failed to return for the trial.
Despite this periodic conflict and the occasional fraud,
fields were laid out as were roads. Given the land ownership and the layout of
the land, Knox County became a land of squares and rectangles in both fields
and roads. There were two exceptions for these laid out roads. The first
exception is for very old roads, like the Galena Trail, that were well
established before the Military Tract.
These roads, it is claimed, started out as buffalo trails that the
Indians followed. Later the Euorpeans followed the Indian trails, and so forth.
The second exception is the more recent Interstate system that went its own way
to connect major cities, which would later be bypassed with beltways.
Early Settlers
Prior to the War of 1812, immigrants had to make it west by
their own best means. Steamboats,
trains, canals, and Great Lakes shipping was not in place. Travel was largely by foot and
horseback. Leaving home, whether that was the Northeast, or the South, meant
just that - leaving home. Those
leaving and those left behind knew it was unlikely that they would see each
other again. Illinois was a
different world and a very long way away. For some, Illinois was entered by the
southwest back door in the form of St. Louis. Despite being west of Illinois, it sat on the Mississippi
which even by then was being used for transportation of some goods and the
brave travelers. Often the Illinois River became a pathway for these St. Louis
adventurers to travel to the northeast.
Knox County's early settlers can be generalized into two
types, with the caveats of all generalizations - there were clearly
exceptions. Many of the early
settlers came from the New England States and often traveled overland and by
water via a northerly route. The
founders of Knox College and Galesburg fall nicely into this category. The second category were those early
immigrants who came west from the more southerly states, generally crossing the
Appalachians and coming through Kentucky, through southern Indiana and into
southern Illinois and working their way north. These southern immigrants were
generally in the area that was to become Knox County before the New Englanders
arrive. These from the southerly route were often referred to, collectively, as
"Hoosiers" by those from the Northeast, not withstanding the
different contemporary usage of the term.
These Hoosiers referred to the New Englanders as "Yankees".
The early settlers were clearly mostly southerners, using
the rivers as pathways to migrate northward into southern Illinois. As Calkins (1937) correctly notes,
examination of early Illinois maps show most settlements in the south,
gradually working their way north, with the notable exceptions of Chicago,
Galena, and Peoria. In northern Illinois, many cities have their origins in the
1830Õs and 1840Õs.
It is probably not much of an exaggeration to compare the
meeting of these two cultures in Knox County as being not very different than
the meeting of Mexicans and Canadians somewhere in the central U.S. Language
was fundamentally different.
Educational standards and the value placed on education were
different. Concepts of what
constituted neighborliness were different. It was a difficult blend for both sides.
The Yankees of Illinois saw the Hoosiers to be "poor
whites" and used the term Hoosier to describe all the southerners
regardless of whether they were from Indiana or states farther east or
south. Similarly, the Hoosiers
called the New Yorkers who staked out Galesburg "Yankees" even though
geographically, the term didn't fit them, either. Calkins (1937) records that when the New Yorkers explained
that they were not "Yankees" as they were from New York, the Hoosiers
responded "Well, York Yankees is the
meanest."
It was postulated that this north-south conflict of cultures
in early Illinois was made worse by the selective economic screening of
southerners who moved from the south to Illinois. Wealthy, educated southerners owned slaves and they had no
need nor desire to move from the south to the north. On the other hand, poor, uneducated white southerners who
were too poor to own slaves were often referred to as "po
whites", even by slaves. It
was the latter segment of the south that was more inclined to move north. They
enjoyed life but did not necessarily seek wealth beyond what was necessary to
survive. They had no slaves and no wealth or land to leave behind. On the other hand, the northerners, not
possessed of slaves, could move their wealth more easily and were well
educated. They had trades and
professions that by their nature, moved with them. They also valued wealth as
power.
These two cultures distrusted one another from the first
meeting. Each carried inherent
biases against the other. As one
historian described it, Yankees were viewed as "Éclose, miserly, selfish, dishonest and inhospitable, lacking all the
kindlier feelings of humanity."
Perhaps not to be outdone, Hoosiers were viewed to be "Élank, lazy, ignorant animals, but little
removed from the savage state, content to squat in a log cabin with a large
family of ill-fed, ill-clothed, dirty and idle children." (Calkins,
1937).
Sometimes these cultural differences were further
intensified by the formation of whole communities formed of their own kind, but
located near one another. This was
often promoted by one of two ways.
Frequently immigrants didn't travel as a single family, but as a group
of travelers that shared a common identify. It was not uncommon for extended
families and neighbors (often the same thing) would decide to pull up roots and
move west. They would settle and form a new community in a location and in a
manner that tended to resemble their previous lifestyle. Often this would also be followed by
"letters back homeÓ that would entice other friends, neighbors, and family
to travel west and join them in the land of opportunity. Thus, a town of New
Englanders could be formed and be just a few miles from a town of folks with
southern roots. These letters back home resulted in what is now called
"chain migration" (Davis, 1998). Similar patterns can be shown for the Swedes, later in the
1850's and 1860's, with the letters being sent "back home" to Sweden.
These chain migrations are often a clue for genealogists to use in backtracking
their ancestors - where did their neighbors come from? If it was from a largely
common area, check it out.
In some cases, spurts of settlement occurred in Illinois by
a group settlement approach. Often
these groups of adventurous souls combined physical, mental, and economic
resources toward a common, collective goal. This could take a utopian and/or
religious bent, like Bishop Hill that was to appear north of Knox County in the
1840's or it could take the role of a religious group wanting to start its own
community in the middle of nowhere. A religious town with a religious college,
established for $1.25/acre of prairie land. Such was the birth of Galesburg: an island of like-thinking
folks in a sea of prairie grass. The location selected was remarkably distant
from any existing means of transportation. A large tract of land was purchased that provided a large
buffer of control. The founders
were from New York, and like most folks, brought the beliefs in religion,
culture, education, and general values with them. They had little doubt that
their way was the right way, and they owned the land to prove it.
Knox County is formed
On May 15 1830, only about two years after the first
European settlers arrived, a public meeting was held at a store/tavern in
Henderson Township. The store was
owned by Samuel S. White. The purpose of the meeting was to form a committee to
petition for the formation of Knox County. The store was a small place, being a one-story log cabin,
about 16 feet square and consisting of a single room. Chapman's (1878) history of the event is based on the
original minutes of the meeting that was in the possession of F.G. Sanburn of
Knoxville and loaned out for the preparation of the history. Riggs Pennington was made the Chairman
and John G. Sanburn was selected as Secretary (perhaps explaining F. G.
Sanburn's possession of the minutes.)
Others present at this meeting were Philip Hash, Stephen Osborn, Dr.
Charles Hansford, Henry Bell, Jacob Gum, Nicholas Voiles and John B. Gum
(Chapman, 1878). The petition was written and another committee was formed to
present the petition to the Circuit Court. On June 10, the judge, concluding that there were at least
350 residents in the area, established Knox County. An election was held on
July 3rd, 1830 for three county commissioners. Riggs Pennington, Philip Hash
and Dr. Charles Hansford were elected as county commissioners, without
opposition.
Prairie fires
Before the prairies were put under the plow, prairie fires
represented a serious threat to early settlers in autumn. Fires were of both natural and manmade
origins. Lightning and
accompanying wind could drive prairie fires with sufficient speed to overtake
travelers and to burn barns and livestock before backfires could be lit.
Stories of prairie fires are recorded in the old histories of Knox County. In 1831, Thomas Maxwell lost his
threshed wheat to a prairie fire.
His son, Henry, was burned badly in an attempt to start a backfire. (A backfire is a fire started in front
of the raging prairie fire. The purpose of the second fire is to consume the
fuel as it is sucked into the oncoming prairie fire. Another story related to a
William Lake who lost his horses, wagon, and milled crop, returning from the
mill at Hennepin. The prairie fire
scared the horses and he could not save the team. He jumped from the wagon on
to burnt ground. He later found
the horses burnt and his wagon consumed by the flames, two or three miles from
the point that he had jumped (Chapman, 1878).
At times, the prairie fires were not an act of nature, but
rather an act of man. According to Chapman (1878), despite it being an offense
to set the prairie ablaze, it was not an uncommon offense. The Circuit Court records for December
21, 1845 show David Ogden and Mathew Herbert being indicted for burning
prairie. The next day, John Matlock and Nelson Case were also indicted by the
Circuit Court for the same offense.
Despite the risk of life and property represented by prairie
fires, at least one author could not refrain from trying his best prose to
describe a prairie fire at night.
I offer it up on its own two feet:
"Language cannot
convey, words cannot express the faintest idea of the splendor and grandeur of
such a conflagration during the night. It was as if the pale queen of night,
disdaining to take her accustomed place in the heavens, had dispatched myriads
upon myriads of messengers to light their torches at the altar of the setting
sun until all had flashed into one long and continuous blaze."
(Chapman, 1878).
Land changes
With settlement came changes. The prairie grass fell victim to the steel plow. The land was divided up into
fields. Fences, homes, barns and
outbuilding were constructed at the cost of the timber growing along the slopes
of nearby creeks and streams.
Ownership of these timber-bearing lands was often over-looked if the
land was unoccupied. Wolves were
hunted, often communally, to eliminate the threat to domestic livestock. The
deforestation of the stream banks not only eliminated or greatly reduced the
habitat for many species, but it also increased the silt load and bank erosion
of the streams and rivers. This
effect was compounded with the loss of the prairie and the replacement of
barren soil after harvest. Streams
became more "flashy", subject to flooding and periods of greater low
flow. Fish and aquatic
invertebrate species suffered and declined as silt deposited on the riffled
areas. Darters were often
eliminated from what had been clean, clear streams, degraded by silt.
Mills and mill dams were constructed to meet the needs of
the farmers. The changing of
flowing streams to standing water also caused a shift in aquatic species. Towns
and villages were formed. Raw
sewage was piped into streams to carry the filth off to downstream neighbors.
One needs to look no further than Galesburg and Cedar Fork to see this early
form of sewage treatment - "out of sight, out of mind".
Further changes would be caused by the introduction of the
railroads to Knox County. Manmade
lakes to provide water for the thirsty steam locomotives would be constructed
both by the CB&Q and the Santa Fe. With the railroads, would be the
beginning of farm consolidation as crops and livestock could be grown on
grander scale and shipped to Chicago for more distant markets.
Civilization and
Organization
With the formation of Knox County, the holding of the first
elections, and the filling of slots of local government, the ground work was
set for civilization and organizations in early Knox County.
References
Bateman, Newton, et al. 1899. Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and Knox County. Munsell
Publishing Company. Chicago. 968 pages.
Chapman, Chas. 1878. History
of Knox County, Illinois. Chicago. 718 pages (reprinted version by Knox
County Genealogical Society, Galesburg, IL)
Davis, James. 1998. Frontier
Illinois. Indiana University Press. 515 pages.
Mitchell, A. 1837 Illinois
in 1837; A sketch descriptive of the
situation, boundaries, face of the country, prominent districts, prairies, rivers,
minerals, animals, agricultural productions, public lands, plans of internal
improvement, manufactures etc. Philadelphia. 143 pages.
1-31-06