Expecting More
By
Richard W.
Crockett
If we think of ourselves as a
consumer society, the source of economic prosperity for the United States is a
consumer with money in his pocket.
A proposition which even the most simple-minded should be able to understand
is that a nation can not allow economic greed of business interest to abandon
workers without the means to buy the products in the marketplace and maintain
any significant level of prosperity.
Henry Ford understood this, and he wanted his employees to earn enough
to buy his product, the Model-T Ford.
At present the United States is in an economic crunch, perhaps a
recession, and even worse, perhaps headed for a depression. Whatever the name given to it and
however deep the economic ditch becomes, I submit that the trend is ÒsecularÓ
as opposed to Òcyclical,Ó that is, that it is not a temporary phenomenon caused
by immediate economic conditions.
The trend is longer term.
It derives from the reduction and depletion of the financial means of
ordinary people, driven by decline in wages, which is permitted by a decline in
labor union power, and compounded by increases in the price of fuel. There is little discretionary income
for former members of the middle class.
We now have a working poor, perhaps a little more genteel than an
earlier poor, but nevertheless poor.
It is not possible in a consumer society to shortchange the consumer and
keep the whole thing going.
Even though
labor unions are no longer what they used to be, a perceived widespread threat
to profitability, the jobs do not seem to be returning from China and other
places. Further, anti-trust laws
do not protect small business or labor and have failed to protect the consumer
from monopoly power. This lack of
oversight results not only in monopoly pricing of goods, for example the cost
of gasoline and utilities, but also in monopoly exclusion of alternative
products, such as electrically powered vehicles rather than exclusive
availability of gasoline powered vehicles. This last claim refers to the combined efforts of Exxon and
General Motors and others in the auto industry to beat back regulations
requiring zero emissions on some vehicles sold in California, which resulted in
the manufacture and distribution of electric cars between 1996 and 2004.
The problem
seems to arise from a mistaken model for free enterprise. There has been a paradigm shift
sometime between the New Deal era and today. I believe it to be the drift away from limited but sensible
regulatory activity by the government, which seeks to preserve competition, a
necessary element to allow for the development of new enterprise. Further, the destruction of the labor
movement has eliminated political competition between capital and labor
interests and thereby resulted in the loss of countervailing power, which might
offset a run-away corporate capitalism.
The result is, if you want a product, you must buy it from a large chain
store such as Wal*Mart, Target, Menards or Lowes and the likelihood is that the
product is manufactured overseas or outside our borders. Small entrepreneurs have little chance
of succeeding against these entities especially when cultural habits have
become ingrained in our psyche after twenty five to fifty years of this
practice of purchasing almost exclusively from such businesses. For labor, this means jobs at reduced
pay or hours, with more and more people having to hold two part-time jobs at
reduced wages and benefits in order to make ends meet. Disbursed families may find themselves
reassembling and living beneath one roof in a manner reminiscent of one hundred
years ago. This image is portrayed
in movies made in the 1930Õs during the period of the Great Depression, but it
will be with less romance or nostalgia than is offered in the movie version. Under this income scenario, how many
twenty-five thousand dollar vehicles or two hundred thousand dollar mortgages
can a family afford?
While the
problem we face may not be exclusively the fault of the corporation, it
is part of it. John Marshall,
Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court in the earliest days of our republic,
defined the corporation as a Òlegal entity existing in contemplation of the
law.Ó From this beginning evolved
the construction of Òthe corporate person,Ó entitled to all of the privileges
of a natural person, and some immunity that a natural person does not
enjoy. The corporation cannot be
sent to prison for slimy commercial behavior or from stealing from you. It is a
means of accumulating capital, collectively; indeed, it is a kind of private
collectivism within our midst.
Politically, large businesses, throw their weight around the halls of
the state legislatures and congress and both state and federal executive
branches of government. They even lobby at the judicial branch of government,
for example, when they finance lawsuits to shape the legal landscape they
operate in. At both the
state and national levels of government, the Òcorporate personÓ wields
political power disproportionate to any other person. Accordingly, the work product of government serves their
interests and not yours. Now while
it may be, for example, that we donÕt want General Motors to fail, it does not
follow that Òwhat is good for General Motors is good for the United States,Ó as
former Secretary of Defense, Charles E. Wilson once claimed.
The new
free enterprise paradigm must include the Òcorporate personÓ being subject to
the law. The Òcorporate personÓ
cannot be the lawgiver, because when it is it can exempt itself from law that
is created to protect smaller business and consumers from its power. It has become clear in recent years
that all power—even political power—does not reside in the seat of
government. Much of it resides in the corporate boardrooms and its power is not
merely economic but is also governmental.
It is time to change all of this.
To paraphrase and edit the Wall Street Journal's Washington
editor Gerald Seib, "A political [party] that expects failure [on the part
of the government] doesn't try very hard to produce anything else."
7/10/08